There are 14 statewide propositions on the November 3, 2026 ballot. Many of them raise taxes, create billions in new debt, or expand government power. This guide explains what each one does and where we stand.
Our principle is simple: No new taxes. No tax increases. California's government needs to live within its means, not reach deeper into your pocket.
Constitutional amendment • Legislative referral (ACA 20)
What it does: Modifies the state rainy-day fund by raising the deposit cap from 10% to 20% of General Fund tax revenue. Extends mandatory extra debt payments until 2039-40. Broadens what the state can spend reserves on.
Don't let the name fool you. This measure delays the trigger for mandatory taxpayer refunds when the rainy-day fund fills up. When Sacramento collects more than it needs, that money should come back to you—not sit in a fund with expanded spending categories. This is about giving politicians more flexibility to spend your surplus, not about saving for the future.
Initiated constitutional amendment
What it does: Makes permanent the state's top income tax rates on high earners (13.3%—the highest in the nation). These rates were first enacted by Prop 30 in 2012, renewed by Prop 55 in 2016, and are set to expire after 2030.
California already has the highest income tax rates in the nation. Voters were told these rates were temporary—twice. Now they want to make them permanent. Temporary taxes never are unless voters say no. High earners and businesses are already leaving California. Making these rates permanent removes all accountability and guarantees the state will never be forced to prioritize spending.
Initiated constitutional amendment and state statute
What it does: Imposes a one-time 5% tax on the net worth of individuals and trusts with assets exceeding $1 billion. Applies to worldwide assets (excluding directly held real estate and retirement accounts). Affects roughly 200–250 Californians.
Taxing wealth—not income, not transactions, but what people own—sets a dangerous precedent. Today it's billionaires. Tomorrow it could be your home equity, your retirement savings, your small business. Even Governor Newsom opposes this one. When billionaires leave California (and they will), who do you think Sacramento will come after next? Props 41 and 42 exist specifically to block this kind of overreach.
Initiated constitutional amendment
What it does: Requires pre-election and recurring audits (every 4 years) by the State Auditor for programs funded by new statewide special taxes enacted after January 1, 2026. Prevents new state taxes from exempting their revenues from the voter-approved spending limit.
This is basic accountability. If Sacramento wants to create a new special tax, voters deserve to know beforehand how the money will be spent—and to see audits proving it was spent as promised. This is part of the Taxpayer Protection Trio (with Props 42 and 43) and directly counters the billionaire wealth tax in Prop 40. If both pass, the one with more votes wins.
Initiated constitutional amendment
What it does: Prohibits any new state tax on personal property—everything you own other than real estate. That includes savings accounts, checking accounts, 401(k)s, stock portfolios, and home equity. Also prohibits retroactive state taxes.
This is a firewall against wealth taxes—not just for billionaires, but for every Californian. If Prop 40 passes, Prop 42 can nullify it if it gets more votes. Supported by the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. Vote YES to protect what you've earned and saved from Sacramento's reach.
Constitutional amendment • Legislative referral (ACA 22)
What it does: Requires two-thirds voter approval for all local special taxes, including those placed on the ballot by citizens through the initiative process. Closes a loophole that let citizen-initiated special taxes pass with a simple majority.
Prop 13 is the bedrock of California taxpayer protection. Recent court decisions created a loophole allowing citizen-initiated local taxes to pass with just 50%+1 of the vote. Prop 43 closes that loophole and ensures all new local special taxes require a two-thirds supermajority. This protects your property taxes and makes it harder for special interests to sneak tax increases through the back door.
Legislative referral (SB 417)
What it does: Authorizes $11.25 billion in general obligation bonds—$10 billion for affordable rental housing and homeownership programs, $1.25 billion for CalVet home loans for veterans.
$11.25 billion in new state debt that taxpayers will repay with interest for decades. The veteran branding is a small fraction of the total—this is overwhelmingly a general housing bond. California's housing crisis was caused by over-regulation and restrictive zoning, not a lack of borrowed money. More debt means more pressure on the General Fund, which means more pressure for future tax increases.
Initiated state statute
What it does: Authorizes $25 billion in revenue bonds to fund state-backed second mortgages covering up to 17% of purchase price for qualified buyers of new homes.
$25 billion in bonds for a government-run second-mortgage program. While proponents say revenue bonds don't directly cost taxpayers, if default rates spike, the state is on the hook. Government-subsidized mortgages also inflate home prices, making the affordability problem worse for everyone not in the program. We've seen this movie before—it didn't end well in 2008.
Initiated state statute
What it does: Authorizes $8.4 billion in general obligation bonds for immunology and immunotherapy research. Roughly half goes to a single nonprofit research institute; the other half goes to UC-affiliated universities.
$8.4 billion in state debt with $500–600 million in annual repayment costs for 25 years. The ballot language appears designed to direct half the money to a single institute without naming it. Medical research is important, but borrowing billions and funneling it to a hand-picked recipient is not how responsible government works.
Legislative referral (SB 42)
What it does: Removes the statewide ban on using public money to finance political campaigns. Would allow the state, counties, and all cities to fund candidates' campaigns with taxpayer dollars.
Your tax dollars should not be used to fund politicians' campaigns. Whether you agree with a candidate or not, you should not be forced to pay for their yard signs, mailers, and TV ads. Sacramento already wastes enough of your money without making you an involuntary campaign donor.
Constitutional amendment • Legislative referral (SCA 1)
What it does: Eliminates the successor election during a recall of state officers. Currently, voters both decide whether to recall an official and choose a replacement. Under this measure, the office would be filled by appointment (typically the Governor), not a vote.
The recall is one of the most powerful tools voters have to hold elected officials accountable. This measure takes away your right to choose the replacement and hands that power to the Governor. It was authored by a senator who was himself recalled in 2018. Voters should decide who represents them—period.
Initiated constitutional amendment
What it does: Requires government-issued photo ID for in-person voting and the last four digits of a government ID number for mail-in ballots. Mandates citizenship verification for voter registration. Requires the state to provide free voter ID cards.
Every legal voter deserves confidence that their vote counts and isn't canceled out by fraud. Voter ID is common sense—you need ID to board a plane, buy cold medicine, or pick up a package. The measure provides free ID cards so cost is not a barrier. Election integrity is not partisan—it's foundational to democracy.
Initiated state statute
What it does: Requires private nonprofit safety-net health clinics to spend at least 90% of their annual revenue on healthcare program services, limiting administrative and overhead costs to 10%.
This measure does not directly affect taxes or government spending. We take no position.
Initiated state statute
What it does: Reforms CEQA (California Environmental Quality Act) to speed up environmental review for housing, water infrastructure, clean energy, medical facilities, transportation, broadband, and education projects. Sets a 365-day limit on reviews.
CEQA abuse has been one of the biggest drivers of California's housing crisis. Environmental review that takes years and costs millions makes everything more expensive—homes, roads, hospitals, schools. Cutting red tape means more gets built, faster and cheaper, without borrowing billions or raising taxes. This is how you solve problems without reaching into taxpayers' pockets.
Proposition descriptions are based on official ballot language, the California Secretary of State, CalMatters, Ballotpedia, and the Legislative Analyst's Office. Positions reflect the views of Fullerton Says No. Last updated August 8, 2026.